Early years
For many years, the English Canadian identity was largely defined by British influences, and a desire among many Canadians to retain British culture and traditions. This goes back to English Canada's Loyalist founding, by refugees of the American Revolution. The Loyalists wanted a nation that would preserve the status quo that had existed under British colonial rule, and settled in the British North American colonies that later became Canada to fill this desire.
In the country's early years, English-speaking Canadians often emphasized their British roots, shunning the idea that they were anything less than British and had an allegiance to any country other than the United Kingdom. French-speaking residents were more independent-minded, and often called themselves Canadians and wished for a country which would not always depend on Great Britain for political direction or financing.
20th century
In the 1920s, the Dominion of Canada began to seek out greater independence from Britain (see: Statute of Westminster), but still remain loyal to the larger Commonwealth. However, the hardships Britain endured in two successive world wars greatly crippled the great power, and quickened the decline of the once mighty British Empire. Britain thus could neither afford, nor had any great desire to continue playing the mother role to Canada. Canada was thus forced to seek closer ties with her North American neighbour, the United States.
The collapse of British imperial leadership, as well as the consequences of the Statute of Westminster had large consequences for the Canadian national identity. Canada could no longer simply see herself as a child in a grand imperial family under mother England. She was now a sovereign nation, sharing a border with a superpower which was also her main business partner.
Since World War II, Canadians have thus struggled to decide what it is exactly that makes them Canadian. Though Canadians continue to recognize Queen Elizabeth II as head of state, the British aspect of the national identity is barely evoked anymore. The majority of the Queen's duties have now been transferred to the Governor General, who since 1952 has been a Canadian citizen. Up until 1965, the Canadian flag was a Red Ensign, featuring the British Union Jack, but this was replaced by a new design with a red maple leaf. Similar reforms or abolitions of colonial-era symbols and institutions occurred throughout most of the mid-20th Century, and contemporary Canadian society features few noticeable signs of Canada's colonial past.
Unlike other Commonwealth realms, such as Australia, republicanism has not been an emotive issue in Canada. Any debate of republicanism in Canada is mostly academic. This is not, as some suggest, because the monarchy helps Canada distinguish itself from the U.S., nor vestigial loyalty to the Crown, but because there are more pressing constitutional issues, such as the status of Québec, Senate reform and aboriginal rights, which have needed to be addressed. The political role of the Queen in Canada remains largely unknown by the majority of the Canadian populace, and though popular as a celebrity figure, the British monarchy is rarely given much thought as a "Canadian" institution (despite the fact about one-quarter of Her Majesty's subjects are Canadian).
Modern times
Canadians now usually define themselves by comparing their differences with the United States. Though today much traditional cultural content, such as TV, movies, music, news, and literature, are widely shared between Canadians and Americans with little thought, many believe a "unique" Canadian culture can still exist, even in an era of deep economic integration between the two nations.
As for the role of history in national identity, Canadian history has had the stereotype of being boring. However, the books of Pierre Berton and television series like Canada: A People's History have done much to spark popular interest in Canadians in their own history.
Much of the debate over the contemporary "Canadian identity" is argued in political terms, and defines Canada as a nation defined by its government policies. Some Canadians argue that government policies such as publicly funded medicine, higher taxation, and gun control make their country "socially" different from the United States. These differences also have played a significant role in migration of citizens from one country to the other.
Within Canadian politics, those on the political left tend to be the most opposed to what are dismissively referred to as "American-style" policies, practices, or ideas. Canadian conservatives on the other hand tend to be more supportive of such "American-style" ideas, and may look to certain U.S. policies as a model to emulate, rather than avoid, sometimes to the point that their opponents note they seem to have the doctrine of "Their country (USA), right or wrong." Politicians and pundits from both groups however tend to be critical of excessive U.S.-bashing, and the idea that the Canadian identity is based on little more than shallow anti-Americanism is often denounced. Conservative Canadians will often argue that Canadians and Americans are becoming indistinguishable in general social attitudes, while Canadian liberals counter that Canadian attitudes are predominately different (i.e. more left-wing and progressive) than American ones and becoming increasingly more so. Books such as Fire and Ice: The United States, Canada and the Myth of Converging Values, http://www.amazon.ca/exec/obidos/ASIN/0143014234/qid=1097691978/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i
1_xgl/702-3302719-8176013 by Michael Adams , head of the Environics polling company argues this point using polling research performed by his company as evidence. Critics of the idea of a fundamentally "liberal Canada" such as David Frum argue that the Canadian drive towards a more noticeably leftist political stance is largely due to the increasing role that Québec plays in the Canadian government. Québec has historically been the most secular and socialistic region of Canada, and as its influences grow in the federal government, Québec social attitudes will become noticeably more prominent within Canadian society. Canadian federalism does not give individual provinces much power over regulating social issues, which in turn has led to conflicts between the federal government and more conservative regions of the country such as Alberta, which feel helpless in these realms of jurisdiction.
In a poll that asked what institutions made Canada feel most proud about their country, number one was health care, number two was the CBC, and number three was peacekeeping. A CBC poll of "The Greatest Canadian" had the deeply conservative hockey commentator Don Cherry included in the top 10 of the list was sparked partially out of a desire among Canadian conservatives to make a statement to the network, or more likely as hockey is widely respected as the national sport, even by people who are not interested in sports. Supporting the hockey theory is that Wayne Gretzky is also on the list, and that Ed Belfour, Gordie Howe, Paul Henderson along with Frederick Arthur Stanley, 1st Baron Stanley of Preston, who donated the Stanley Cup was also on the Greatest Canadian 100 http://www.cbc.ca/greatest/greatcanadians/ list. However, the three highest ranking in descending order were the socialist politician Tommy Douglas, the legendary cancer activist Terry Fox, and the strong liberal (both small l and big) prime minister, Pierre Trudeau which suggested what the majority of Canadians value in political leanings and community involvement.
Outsider perceptions
Despite Canada's ambivalent relationship with the United States, Canadians often remain very interested in how Canadians are portrayed in American pop culture and elsewhere. An episode of The Simpsons in which the family travelled to Toronto (for the last 10 minutes) was one of the most-watched TV programs in Canadian history.
Many Canadians are of the firmly held belief that outsiders—especially, but not exclusively, Americans—have an ignorant or dismissive view of Canadian reality. A very common expression of Canadian identity is to rail against the stereotypes that they believe non-Canadians hold of Canadian citizens. This ranges from Voltaire's purported assessment of Canada as a few acres of snow (which is, in fact, a misquote) to the often told story of the American tourists who come to Toronto in July with skis on the roof of their car.
Canadian media personalities sometimes also play with this phenomenon for comedic purposes. During his years with This Hour has 22 Minutes, comic Rick Mercer produced a popular recurring segment called Talking to Americans, in which he would pose as a journalist in an American city, asking passers-by for their opinions on a fabricated Canadian news story. (Some of the "stories" for which he solicited comment included the legalization of staplers, the coronation of King Svend, the border dispute between Québec and Chechnya, the campaign against the Toronto Polar Bear Hunt, and the reconstruction of the historic Peter Mans Bridge.)
There is also a widespread belief that Canadians are generally more liked than Americans, and are treated with more respect when travelling to foreign lands. Many Canadians in turn attach Canadian flags to their backpacks and clothing when travelling, in an attempt to encourage such better treatment and not be mistaken for Americans. There is some dispute over the prevalence of this assumed international hospitality, however. Will Ferguson has written falsely as a joke that Canadians confuse being less hated than Americans with being better liked.
Another very common expression of Canadian nationalism is to link a political course of action, such as the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, to the threat of Canada becoming the 51st state of the United States. This tactic is intended to prey on raw emotion, but is very often effective nonetheless.
Historically there have always been a few minor, yet vocal Canadian commentators who argue that Canadian/American distinctions are ultimately meaningless, and that a union between the two countries is both imminent and desirable. Such advocates include author Goldwin Smith and more recently media magnate Conrad Black.
Québec
Although to many outsiders, one defining factor of Canada's identity would appear to be the presence of the French-speaking province of Québec, many Canadians have mixed feelings. While Québec's distinct language and customs are accepted and embraced by Canadians who enjoy Canada's multiculturalism, Québec's repeated attempts at political separation from Canada have made the province appear distant and foreign to the residents of many other provinces, especially in the West. Many Québec separatists insist that they are not Canadian, and instead members of a distinct nation.
Even many federalist Québécois who readily identify as Canadian regard French-Canadians as constituting a distinct nation (in the ethnic sense) within the Canadian federation. This comes of the pervasive reality of the culture of Québec which is made of six million francophones trying to survive within an ocean of 270 million anglophones.
Most of Canada's recent prime ministers have been from Québec, and thus have tried to improve relations with the province with a number of tactics, notably bilingualism, in which all commercial packaging in Canada is printed in French and English. Again, while this bilingualism is a notable feature to outsiders, the plan has been less than warmly embraced by many English Canadians who resent the extra administrative costs and the requirement of many key federal public servants to be fluently bilingual. Furthermore, despite the widespread introduction of French-language classes throughout Canada, very few anglophones are truly bilingual outside of Québec. Many English Canadians therefore do not eagerly embrace bilingualism as a defining and admirable feature of their nation.
Things are complicated by sharp differences in the perception of the nature of bilingualism and bilingual individuals, whether one lives and works in English or in French, in Québec or in the other provinces.
To give but one example: While in most English parts of Canada recent prime ministers like Brian Mulroney and Paul Martin are seen as "coming from Québec" because they were born there or because they have been consistently elected to Parliament by Québec voters, the same individuals are seen as representatives of English Canada by nearly all citizens of Québec, because for them the mother tongue or culture and not geography is the main criterion in identity. Even Pierre Trudeau is considered in Québec as being at least partly a representative of English Canada, because his mother, Grace Elliott, was an English-speaker of Scottish ancestry. In this view of things most of Canada's recent prime ministers have been representatives of English Canada and only three (Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Louis St. Laurent and Jean Chrétien) out of a total of 21 were really truly pure laine, or from traditional Québec society.
Given this and differences in viewpoints on such matters as the relative importance of commercial packaging, language laws and customs, and otherwise trivial cultural things it is not always easy for a French-speaking Canadian citizen to bear a completely Canadian identity, unless one stretches the Canadian identity quite a bit. But this stretching does happen and it does so in the most surprising circumstances. To give but one example: French Québecers bear Canadian passports, and when they enter really foreign lands in distant places they are very often given a hearty welcome, as Canadians, given the relatively good reputation of Canada in international circles. This kind of repeated welcome is done of course without taking note of personal political choices and it leads persons with open minds to some philosophical musings on the nature of self image.
At the core one must remember that, like Canadians in other provinces, the French Québecers hold the health care system to be nearly sacred (even if there are some quibbles as to how much of it is a provincial versus federal responsibility) and its existence to be non-negotiable. Like other Canadians too, they are very much attached to the CBC, albeit its French-language service, the Société Radio-Canada. Finally, like other Canadians they support Canada's efforts in the international community from peacekeeping to foreign aid and co-operative programs.
From 2000 on, in fact, the separatist movement in Québec lost momentum, culminating with the election loss of the separatist provincial party (the Parti Québécois) in provincial elections in 2003. Though they do retain support from many in Québec, this is more for their liberal policies, which contrast sharply with the Québec Liberal Party headed by Jean Charest the Premier as of 2003.
Multiculturalism
The state of inter-ethnic relations in English Canada is fundamentally different from in the United States. In gross terms, immigrants to the United States feel compelled to prove their undivided loyalty to the U.S. first, before accommodating their ethnic or linguistic particularisms. Especially in Toronto and Canada's other metropolitan areas, however, there is a strong sense that multiculturalism is a normal and respectable expression of being Canadian.
The indulgent attitude taken towards cultural differences is perhaps a side effect of the vexed histories of French-English and aboriginal-settler relations, which have created a need for a civic national identity, as opposed to one based on some homogenous cultural ideal.
Canadian multiculturalism also feeds into liberal-mindedness in social issues and a greater willingness to tolerate political differences—again, as compared to Americans. Even conservative Canadians may be more willing to consider respectfully topics from socialism to feminism to atheism, that are subject to strong taboos in the United States. Here, too, however, social attitudes in western Canada may conform more largely to those associated with the United States, while attitudes in Québec, Toronto and Vancouver are less censorious.
The snow, the ice and the cold of a long winter
Canadians often like to see themselves as brave warriors who have to endure each winter a never ending struggle against massive amounts of snow and ice and extremely cold temperatures. They proudly point out that their capital, Ottawa, is the coldest capital in the world, whether this is technically true or not.
Only the major cities of the province of British Columbia on the Pacific Ocean, are exempted from this extreme weather. But even in British Columbia, the bad weather in the rest of the country gives a sense of unity and common self-image because a great number of citizens of that province have friends and relatives from the icebox or are themselves recent immigrants from the freezing parts of the country. This self-image of valour and fortitude against a cruel winter cuts across linguistic, cultural and regional boundaries.
Canadians eagerly follow all the Winter Olympic Games. They support their athletes with their tax dollars, sending each four years a massive contingent to the winter games. Amateur athletes desiring to compete in the Summer Olympic Games find funding from the government sparse, and sponsorship after the games almost non-existent, with Canadian ad campaigns preferring the prominence of the winter athletes to sell their products.
Blue states paradigm
Particularly since the United States 2004 Election, the sharp division between red states and blue states of the United States has triggered a pronounced (if perhaps brief) introspection among the blue states. This has been a time of extreme cultural and political polarization, with the blue states generally feeling almost completely alienated from the red states that re-elected George W. Bush as President of the United States. There has been a rise of sentiment in the blue states that questions whether they are more socially and politically like Canadians, and whether the governments of these states now more resemble Canada than state governments in the rest of the U.S. This social phenomenon is the opposite of the now-diminished 51st state rhetoric, as instead of suggesting that Canada is essentially American, it suggests that the blue states are characteristically Canadian. See also the Jesusland map, a fictional humour map that redraws the U.S.–Canada border to reflect this social schism.
Trivia
The search for the Canadian identity often yields some whimsical results. To outsiders, this soul-searching (or, less charitably, navel-gazing) seems tedious or absurd, inspiring the Monty Python sketch Whither Canada?
In the 1970s a radio show on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) held a competition whose goal was to compose the conclusion to the phrase: "As Canadian as ..." The winning entry read: "... possible, under the circumstances." [1] http://www.salonmag.com/letters/1999/05/18/erotic/print.html
Robertson Davies, one of Canada's best known novelists, once commented about his homeland: "Some countries you love. Some countries you hate. Canada is a country you worry about."
The belief that Canada is on the brink of break-up has led it to be described as being like "a beautiful, talented woman who keeps on slashing her wrists", while some have described it as being like "a dull party where the guests [the country's provinces] are too polite to leave".
Pierre Berton, a Canadian journalist and novelist, once alluded to Canada's voyageur roots with this famous saying: "A Canadian is someone who knows how to make love in a canoe without tipping it."
One definition of a Canadian, offered by the Economist in 1993, was "an American with healthcare and no guns", though in actuality, an estimated 3,100,000 Canadians own some nine million firearms.
In 2000, Molson, a beer company, created an advertisement for its Molson Canadian brand called "I Am Canadian" about what it means to be Canadian. It depicted an average Joe Canadian, who gives a rant about the finer points of being Canadian. Some critics suggested that this ad was revealing, in that Joe's definition of Canada is almost entirely in the negative; that is to say he defines what he is not more than he defines what he is. This is considered a common symptom of Canadian expression of identity.
External sources
- a website for Canadian identity discussion http://www.canadianidentity.com/
- a government website with extensive information on Canadian culture http://culturecanada.gc.ca/
- a long but detailed essay diving into the philosophy of Canadian identity http://www.lhup.edu/library/InternationalReview/canadian.htm
- Canadian government link to information on Canadian identity http://www.culture.ca/canada/explore-explorez-e.jsp?pre=n&category=243
- An American's Guide to Canada http://www.icomm.ca/emily/
Reference
Last updated: 02-07-2005 15:47:21
Last updated: 04-25-2005 03:06:01